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Hanser , Becker H. Blumenthal O. Steinitz , Brauneck M. Metzler, Brown P. Erikson K. Gove W. Gove ed. Hawkins R. Merrill Pub. Holmquist M. Houben H. Von der klassischen Zeit bis zur Gegenwart. Berlin, Reprint: Hildesheim, Jelavich P. Micale and R.
Dietle ed. Leiss L. Lenman R. Marx G. Meyer M. Pollinger A. Praschek H. Quidde L. Frankfurt, Syndikat, Stark G. Worchel S. Periode, II. Session, Sitzung 20 Feb. See R.
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Tenner, Why Things Bite Back. Hawkins and G. Merrill, Pub. Also: K. Erickson , Wayward Puritans.
Overcoming antisemitism — Rixdorf Editions
Devising yet another form of control, Hamburg even reportedly passed an ordinance allowing street peddlers to display and sell only those titles listed in an official catalog compiled by the police. Prussian IM memo 1 Apr. Stark and B. Lackner ed. Tiedeman, Creation of Deviance, op. Obligingly, the Leipzig police president reported that indeed, a police sergeant had purchased the book and that he and another police official had read the play and their religious sensibilities had been deeply offended. The next day, Panizza was formally indicted.
See my Banned in Berlin, op. Jelavich, Munich and Theatrical Modernism. Bahr, Selbstbildnis, Berlin, S. Fischer, , p. Henschke ed. Ball-Hennings, Hugo Ball. Ball , Briefe , Zurich, Benzinger, , p. Your request to send this item has been completed. APA 6th ed.
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follow link You already recently rated this item. Your rating has been recorded. Write a review Rate this item: 1 2 3 4 5. Preview this item Preview this item. Emil Ebering, Yes, there will undoubtedly be journalists who have good intentions […], but even those generally still work for white newsrooms […] that benefit from publishing news about racism as indifferently and inaccurately as possible.
And yet, we do NOT [sic] need any of these things. In the case of De Grauwe Eeuw, their messages are de-colonial, and the press is owned by those whom they argue are their respective enemies, i. This plot is written by journalists and other agents of normality, from which De Grauwe Eeuw tries to achieve a sense of Verfremdung. For this reason, the group prefers a position of self-inflicted silence on that specific stage to a situation in which they would have a voice that could be used against them.
They would be tolerated and thereby implicitly be derived of their agency or political voice. Moreover, by interrupting this process of neutralization, the press itself is uncovered as an incognito agent of self-reproduction that loses much of its initial authority when the actors on its stage refuse to comply with their pre-written parts, and instead start acting autonomously. Thereby, they turn that stage into a political podium, writing their own roles instead of accepting the ones granted to them, which urges Dutch citizens to actively develop their own, individual, critical interpretations towards their shared colonial past.
However, understood as forms of, or attempts at, Verfremdung , these protests can instead also be interpreted as an autonomous form of societal participation, which protects these actors from having to compromise their political voice. At the same time, they reveal the press to be a manipulative, neutralizing and naturalizing apparatus.
As such, and contradictory as it may sound, political voices sometimes speak loudest through strategies of selective silence. By acting in this way, the activists are taking a position, and exactly by these means, they uncover the alleged neutrality of the apparati as a dominant power position that has the agency to grant or take away the political voice of others. This can happen only from the margins of the stage, from the perspective of the aliens or strangers who point at the strangeness of social and political structures.
- Le tourisme métropolitain: Le cas de Montréal (French Edition).
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- Das Drama Des Naturalismus by Sigfrid Hoefert.
Having said this, however, the margins cannot exist without the center. Protest does not evolve out of nowhere, but from the contradictions between these two positions. As our case studies have shown, this struggle between the theatrical order and its attempt to keep control over the situation, opposed by dramatical interventions aiming at open contestation, introduces precarious situations. Therefore, it might be necessary to take a closer look at the mutual dependency of forms of theatricality and dramatization, of stage and podium, of Verfremdung and status quo: can political interventions of the kind we have discussed completely overcome conditions of oppression?
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